By Dave McRae
Regardless of no past heritage of contemporary unrest, Poso, from 1998-2007, turned the positioning of the main protracted inter-religious clash in postauthoritarian Indonesia, in addition to essentially the most vital theatres of operations for the Jemaah Islamiyah terrorist community. 9 years of violent clash among Christians and Muslims in Poso increased a formerly little identified district in japanese Indonesia to nationwide and international prominence. Drawing on a decade of analysis, for the main half performed whereas the clash was once ongoing, this publication presents the 1st finished historical past of this violence. It additionally addresses the puzzle of why the Poso clash used to be in a position to persist for thus lengthy in an more and more, solid democratic nation, regardless of the appear weaknesses of the small teams of fellows using the violence.
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Additional info for A Few Poorly Organized Men: Interreligious Violence in Poso, Indonesia
Even so, transmigrants’ numbers may have been matched by economic migrant arrivals in Poso in the 1980s and 1990s (Aragon 2007:50). Aragon suggests the majority of economic migrants originated from Muslim communities in South Sulawesi, notably the Bugis, Makasar and Mandar ethnic groups. Some Bugis Muslims settled in Christian-dominated upland areas, but most economic migrants settled in areas in which their co-religionists constituted a majority (Sangaji 2002). As profound as the effects of migration have been, two changes to the district’s administrative boundaries have had a more sudden and farreaching impact on the overall demographic balance of Poso.
Opposition parties faced many restrictions, including the vetting of their candidates before they were allowed to stand, and hence most parliaments were dominated by the regime’s own electoral vehicle, Golkar. To replace these parliaments, Habibie announced an accelerated timetable to bring forward fresh elections from 2002 to mid 1999, with a new presidential election to be held shortly thereafter. The new legal framework did not make as far-reaching changes to the form of the elections as might be anticipated, as the authoritarian-era parliament rejected a proposal to switch from a proportional to a plurality-based system of district representation (King 2000:101–3).
But as I will outline through examination of the role of specific key actors, the occurrence of violence also leads them to reorder their priorities and respond to the unpredictable actions of rival groups. As a result, pre-existing political interests, although important, do not capture the full range of these actors’ motivations and actions. Local Political Competition—The Search for a New District Head Competition for the post of Poso district head has been central to political explanations of the December 1998 riot.
A Few Poorly Organized Men: Interreligious Violence in Poso, Indonesia by Dave McRae